Monday, July 13, 2015

"The Bosses of the Senate", a cartoon by Joseph Keppler

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


"The Bosses of the Senate", a cartoon by Joseph Keppler depicting corporate interests–from steel, copper, oil, iron, sugar, tin, and coal to paper bags, envelopes, and salt–as giant money bags looming over the tiny senators at their desks in the Chamber of the United States Senate.

This frequently reproduced cartoon, long a staple of textbooks and studies of Congress, depicts corporate interests–from steel, copper, oil, iron, sugar, tin, and coal to paper bags, envelopes, and salt–as giant money bags looming over the tiny senators at their desks in the Chamber. Joseph Keppler drew the cartoon, which appeared in Puck on January 23, 1889, showing a door to the gallery, the "people’s entrance," bolted and barred. The galleries stand empty while the special interests have floor privileges, operating below the motto: "This is the Senate of the Monopolists by the Monopolists and for the Monopolists!"
Keppler’s cartoon reflected the phenomenal growth of American industry in the 1880s, but also the disturbing trend toward concentration of industry to the point of monopoly, and its undue influence on politics. This popular perception contributed to Congress’s passage of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act in 1890.

This is a faithful photographic reproduction of a two-dimensional, public domain work of art. The work of art itself is in the public domain for the following reason:

Public domainThis work is in the public domain in the United States, and those countries with a copyright term of life of the author plus 100 years or less.
This file has been identified as being free of known restrictions under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights.

The official position taken by the Wikimedia Foundation is that "faithful reproductions of two-dimensional public domain works of art are public domain".
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Pope Francis' encyclical on the environment and human ecology

Read online, Download or Order Paperback Book

https://laudatosi.com/watch

NWO What's It All About? Some YouTube Speeches

FDR "They may talk of a "new order" in the world, ... http://michaelangelo-raphaelo.blogspot.com/2014/06/fdr-they-may-talk-of-new-order-in-world.html?spref=tw

1961 speech Eisenhower Warns us of New World Order

https://youtu.be/rd8wwMFmCeE  via @YouTube


JFK Secret Societies Speech (full version) 

Kissinger says an Obama presidency is a great opportunity to set up a New World Order           via


HW Bush's NWO Speech Of 9/11 1990

 OBAMA NEW WORLD ORDER SPEECH in Brussels - Freedom isn't Free 

https://youtu.be/mRR1LT9WZto via @YouTube

Kissinger talks more about Obama and the New World Order

https://youtu.be/RMVrxgvR_Xw  via @YouTube




 



Sunday, July 12, 2015

(Portland & Seattle added) Bernie Sanders' Recent 12 Speeches On YouTube - Get The Facts

We've Been Sliced, Diced and Divided
With #Sanders2016 We Are United

How and when to vote for Bernie Sanders in the Primaries (by State) 

Bernie Sanders Stands For
Everything Voters Want
#Sanders2016 Represents People,
Not Banks, Not Corps

The Corporate Owned Mass Media Is Shutting Out Bernie Sander
So Shut Off Corp Owned Media
Get Bernie Sanders' Speeches On YouTube
Get Facts From Bernie Sanders' Speeches On YouTube like these:






AND:

JOIN THE VOTERS THAT MONEY CAN'T BUY

http://michaelangelo-raphaelo.blogspot.com/2015/07/724-list-z-of-320-tweeters-for-bernie.html


Corp Owned Media Shuts Out Bernie Sanders
So Shut Off Corp Owned Media

Get Bernie Sanders' Speeches On YouTube 


Friday, July 10, 2015

John L. Spivak excerpt from secret armies

"Our laws and courts provide a machinery which can be used to prevent any infringement upon the democratically constituted rights of the people. It is of vital importance, however, that preparations for fascist lawlessness be vigilantly uprooted. The [160]Italian and German people made just this fatal mistake of tolerating the activities of Mussolini's and Hitler's gangs until they grew strong enough to seize power and crush every sign of democracy.
There is no reason why a great people, attacked by a pernicious ideology, cannot counteract such propaganda with greater and more intelligent propaganda to educate our people to the advantages of democracy—to what fascism really means to everyone, including the big industrialists and financiers, some of whom have been flirting with fascism. The Government, however, can and should be instructed by the representatives of the people, to take proper steps to stop the infiltration of [Fascist] agents and propagandists into this country.
There are various other and perhaps more practical and useful steps which can be taken, but those can be worked out once the people awake to the danger of permitting fascist propaganda to go on, and sentiment becomes strong enough to put an end to foreign-directed activities here."

The Project Gutenberg EBook of Secret Armies, by John L. Spivak

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Title: Secret Armies
       The New Technique of Nazi Warfare

Author: John L. Spivak

Release Date: September 20, 2007 [EBook #22682]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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It Can Happen Here: What Happens When USA Has A Dictator

It Can't Happen Here

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For other uses, see Can't Happen Here (disambiguation).
It Can't Happen Here
ItCantHappenHere.jpg
First edition
AuthorSinclair Lewis
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
GenrePolitical fiction
PublisherDoubleday, Doran and Company
Publication date
1935
Media typePrint (Hardcover)
Pages458 pp.
ISBN045121658X
It Can't Happen Here is a semi-satirical 1935 political novel by American author Sinclair Lewis. Published during the rise of fascism in Europe, the novel describes the rise of Berzelius "Buzz" Windrip, a populist United States Senatorwho is elected to the presidency after promising drastic economic and social reforms while promoting a return to patriotism and traditional values. After his election, Windrip takes complete control of the government and imposes aplutocratic/totalitarian rule with the help of a ruthless paramilitary force, in the manner of Adolf Hitler and the SS. The novel's plot centers on journalist Doremus Jessup's opposition to the new regime and his subsequent struggle against it as part of a liberal rebellion. Reviewers at the time, and literary critics ever since, have emphasized the connection with Louisiana politician Huey Long, who was preparing to run for president in 1936 elections when he was assassinated in 1935 just prior to the novel's appearance.

Contents

  [show

Plot summary[edit]

In 1936 Senator Berzelius "Buzz" Windrip, a charismatic and power-hungry politician, wins election as President of the United States on a populist platform, promising to restore the country to prosperity and greatness, and promising each citizen $5,000 a year (approximately $90,000, adjusted for inflation[1]). Portraying himself as a champion of traditional American values, Windrip easily defeats his opponents, Senator Walt Trowbridge and President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Though having previously foreshadowed some authoritarian measures in order to reorganize the United States government, Windrip rapidly outlaws dissent, incarcerates political enemies in concentration camps, and trains and arms a paramilitary force called the Minute Men, who terrorize citizens and enforce the policies of Windrip and his "corporatist" regime. One of his first acts as president is to eliminate the influence of the United States Congress, which draws the ire of many citizens as well as the legislators themselves. The Minute Men respond to protests against Windrip's decisions harshly, attacking demonstrators with bayonets. In addition to these actions, Windrip's administration, known as the "Corpo" government, curtails women's and minority rights, and eliminates individual states by subdividing the country into administrative sectors. The government of these sectors is managed by "Corpo" authorities, usually prominent businessmen or Minute Men officers. Those accused of crimes against the government appear before kangaroo courts presided over by "military judges". Despite these dictatorial (and "quasi-draconian") measures, a majority of Americans approve of them, seeing them as necessary though painful steps to restore American power. Others, those less enthusiastic about the prospect of corporatism, reassure themselves that fascism cannot "happen here"; hence the novel's title.
Open opponents of Windrip, led by Senator Trowbridge, form an organization called the New Underground, helping dissidents escape to Canada in manners reminiscent of the Underground Railroad and distributing anti-Windrip propaganda. One recruit to the New Underground is Doremus Jessup, the novel's protagonist, a traditional liberal and an opponent of both Corpoism and communist theories, which Windrip's administration suppresses. Jessup's participation in the organization results in the publication of a periodical called The Vermont Vigilance, in which he writes editorials decrying Windrip's abuses of power. Shad Ledue, the local district commissioner and Jessup's former hired man, resents his old employer and eventually discovers his actions, having him sent to a concentration camp. Ledue subsequently terrorizes Jessup's family and particularly his daughter Sissy, whom he unsuccessfully attempts to seduce. Sissy does, however, discover evidence of corrupt dealings on the part of Ledue, which she exposes to Francis Tasbrough, a one-time friend of Jessup and Ledue's superior in the administrative hierarchy. Tasbrough has Ledue imprisoned in the same camp as Jessup, where inmates he had sent there organize his murder. Jessup escapes - after a relatively brief incarceration - when his friends bribe one of the camp guards. He flees to Canada, where he rejoins the New Underground. He later serves the organization as a spy in the northeastern United States, passing along information and urging locals to resist Windrip.
In time, Windrip's hold on power weakens as the economic prosperity he promised does not materialize and increased numbers of disillusioned Americans, including Vice President Perley Beecroft, flee to Canada. He also angers his Secretary of State, Lee Sarason, who had served earlier as his chief political operative and adviser. Sarason and Windrip's other lieutenants, including General Dewey Haik, seize power and exile the president to France. Sarason succeeds Windrip, but his extravagant and relatively weak rule creates a power vacuum in which Haik and others vie for power. In a bloody putsch, Haik leads a party of military supporters into the White House, kills Sarason and his associates, and proclaims himself president. The two coups cause a slow erosion of Corpo power, and Haik's government desperately tries to arouse patriotism by launching an unjustified invasion of Mexico. After slandering Mexico in state-run newspapers, Haik orders a mass conscription of young American men for the invasion of that country, infuriating many who had until then been staunch Corpo loyalists. Riots and rebellions break out across the country, with many realizing that the Corpos have misled them.
General Emmanuel Coon, among Haik's senior officers, defects to the opposition with a large portion of his army, giving strength to the resistance movement. Though Haik remains in control of much of the country, civil war soon breaks out as the resistance tries to consolidate its grasp on the Midwest. The novel ends after the beginning of the conflict, with Jessup working as an agent for the New Underground in Corpo-occupied portions of southern Minnesota.

Reception[edit]

Poster for the stage adaptation of It Can't Happen Here, October 27, 1936 at the Lafayette Theater as part of theDetroit Federal Theater
Reviewers at the time of the book's publication, and literary critics ever since, have emphasized the connection with Louisiana politician Huey Long, who was preparing to run for president in 1936.[2] According to Boulard (1998), "the most chilling and uncanny treatment of Huey by a writer came with Sinclair Lewis's It Can't Happen Here."[3] Lewis portrayed a genuine American dictator on the Hitler model. Starting in 1936 the WPA, a New Deal agency, performed the theatre version across the country. Lewis had the goal of hurting Long's chances in the 1936 election.[2] Keith Perry argues that the key weakness of the novel is not that he decks out American politicians with sinister European touches, but that he finally conceives of fascism and totalitarianism in terms of traditional American political models rather than seeing them as introducing a new kind of society and a new kind of regime.[4] Windrip is less a Nazi than a con-man-plus-Rotarian, a manipulator who knows how to appeal to people's desperation, but neither he nor his followers are in the grip of the kind of world-transforming ideology like Hitler's National Socialism.[5]

Adaptations[edit]

In 1936, Lewis and John C. Moffitt wrote a stage version, also titled It Can't Happen Here,[6] which is still produced. The stage version premiered on October 27, 1936 in 21 U.S. theatres in 17 states[7] simultaneously, in productions sponsored by the Federal Theater Project. A film version was in preparation at this time at MGM, but studio head Louis B. Mayer soon canceled the production to the publicly announced pleasure of the Nazi regime in Germany. Will H. Hays, responsible for the enforcement of the Motion Picture Production Code, had notified Mayer of potential problems in the German market.[8]

Influence[edit]

A 1968 television movie Shadow on the Land (alternate title: United States: It Can't Happen Here) was produced by Screen Gems as a pilot for a series loosely based on this book.
Inspired by the book, director–producer Kenneth Johnson wrote an adaptation titled Storm Warnings in 1982. The script was presented to NBC for production as a television miniseries, but NBC executives rejected the initial version, claiming it was too cerebral for the average American viewer. To make the script more marketable, the American fascists were re-cast as man-eating extraterrestrials, taking the story into the realm of science fiction. The revised story became the miniseries V, which premiered May 3, 1983.[9]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

Bibliography
  • Boulard, Garry (1998). Huey Long invades New Orleans: the siege of a city, 1934–36.
  • Flanagan, Hallie (1940). Arena, The Story of the Federal Theatre. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
  • Lingeman, Richard R. (2005). Sinclair Lewis: Rebel from Main Street. St. Paul, Minn: Borealis Books. ISBN 978-0-87351-541-2.
  • Perry, Keith (2004). The Kingfish in fiction: Huey P. Long and the modern American novel.
  • Simpson, MJ. "Kenneth Johnson interview". MJSimpson.co.uk. Retrieved 2011-09-12.

External links[edit]

Thursday, July 9, 2015

CLIMATE DENIER RICO ACT RACKETEERS Foment, Incite and/or Conduct Climate Denial to Defraud Public For Profit

Internal Documents Expose Fossil Fuel Industry’s Decades of Deception on Climate Change


"Rhode Island Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse created a stir recently when he speculated that fossil fuel companies may be violating federal racketeering law by colluding to defraud the public about the threat posed by carbon pollution."

"In 2006, a federal district court ruled that the tobacco industry’s deceptive campaign to maximize its profits by hoodwinking the public amounted to a racketeering enterprise."

Then Read this:

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racket_(crime)#The_RICO_Act

A racket is a service that is fraudulently offered to solve a problem,
such as for a problem that does not actually exist,
that will not be put into effect,
or that would not otherwise exist if the racket did not exist.

CONDUCTING A RACKET IS RACKETEERING.
Particularly, the potential problem may be caused
 by the same party that offers to solve it,
although that fact may be concealed,
with the specific intent to engender
continual patronage for this party.

The RICO Act

On October 15, 1970, the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (18 U.S.C. §§ 1961–1968), commonly referred to as the "RICO Act", became United States law. The RICO Act allowed law enforcement to charge a person or group of people with racketeering, defined as committing multiple violations of certain varieties within a ten-year period. The purpose of the RICO Act was stated as "the elimination of the infiltration of organized crime and racketeering into legitimate organizations operating in interstate commerce". S.Rep. No. 617, 91st Cong., 1st Sess. 76 (1968). However, the statute is sufficiently broad to encompass illegal activities relating to any enterprise affecting interstate or foreign commerce.


Section 1961(10) of Title 18 provides that the Attorney General of the United States may designate any department or agency to conduct investigations authorized by the RICO statute and such department or agency may use the investigative provisions of the statute or the investigative power of such department or agency otherwise conferred by law. Absent a specific designation by the Attorney General, jurisdiction to conduct investigations for violations of 18 U.S.C. § 1962 lies with the agency having jurisdiction over the violations constituting the pattern of racketeering activity listed in 18 U.S.C. § 1961.[3]